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Big Banks As Bad As Ever

Discussion of the Week
The following is adapted from this year’s Note 30 of The Kelly Letter, emailed to subscribers on May 26.

I receive notes occasionally from subscribers interested in the situation with banks. Some wonder why we don’t own any stock in them.

The situation isn’t good, I’m afraid. The Federal Reserve reported that the level of business loans at the beginning of this month was $1.6T, about 10 pct higher than a year ago. While that seems positive, there’s creeping concern that banks are already back to their old ways of relaxing standards to win a bigger share of the lending market. Both terms and interest rates are turning out to be very flexible, just as they were into the subprime mortgage crisis.

The Fed released a survey of lending officers this month showing that 65 pct of US banks are writing business loans at lower rates and relaxing underwriting standards to attract business borrowers. This prompted the Fed, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency to issue new guidelines to prevent or at least minimize “leveraged lending,” with an eye on these business loans. The new rules kick in Tuesday.

Moody’s chimed in that, generally, bank balance sheet quality measures are improving. A senior analyst told the FT, “What we’re concerned about is what’s being put on today. Based on what we’re seeing, this kind of lending could lead to the next asset bubble or crisis down the road.”

How could this be? After taking this path to ruin in the past and receiving public bailouts just four years ago, shouldn’t banks be squeaky clean and determined to stay that way? No. They never have been. The history of banking is the history of moneyed interests getting away with as much as they can through shady business practices and political alliances. I wrote a whole book about this. The short explanation of what’s wrong is that banks make money, which enables them to buy political influence, which earns them more money, which buys more political influence, which continues to the point where they keep their own profits and the taxpayer picks up losses when the too-big-to-fail gang fails.

That’s why it should not be news that banks are getting back into the same positions they were in the last go-round, and that they’re getting there in the same ways. Sure, some new guidelines appeared, but the ones going live Tuesday are nothing compared to the supposedly fix-all solutions posited over the past few years, including the stress tests. Nothing is fix-all because banks dismantle everything bit by bit, lobbyist by lobbyist.

Just this month, a bill exempting several types of trades from new regulation made its way through the House Financial Services Committee with little pushback despite the Treasury Department raising objections. The latter was a minor miracle, because the Treasury is just as in cahoots with banks as the lawmakers. In this case, however, the Treasury objected but it didn’t matter because enough lawmakers were onboard with the writer of the bill. Who was that writer? Citigroup (C $50.52), almost entirely. The bank’s suggestions made it into 70 lines of the 85-line bill. Two key paragraphs jointly written by Citi and other banks, were copied word for word except for two words changed to their plural equivalents by lawmakers.

Bank lobbying is back, not that it was ever truly gone, but it’s back in a steadily bigger variety as the months go by. The unhidden goal is to undue big parts of the Dodd-Frank financial overhaul of 2010, so banks are buying up lawmakers for that purpose. The lawmakers who set the Citigroup and similar bills sailing through the process received twice as much financial support from Wall Street than did opponents of the bills, according to Maplight, a nonprofit group that examined campaign finance records. Of course both sides received money from Wall Street, but the bigger money won out.

Banks say they’re proposing changes that will make the entire financial system healthier, but what else are they going to say? Another nonprofit group, Americans for Financial Reform, commented that the Citigroup bill “restores the public subsidy to exotic Wall Street activities.”

The debate over what to do about the banking system is a false one because we had the solution once and we still know what it is: Glass-Steagall. It was brilliant legislation that worked from the Great Depression until its dismantlement during the Clinton Administration. Then, in less than a decade, the unleashed banks blew themselves up and taxes were used to save their bacon. Not one banker went to jail. Not one “performance” bonus was clawed back.

Why don’t banks want to go back? Because they can make more money in the less regulated post-Glass-Steagall environment than they made before. That’s the whole story, and who can blame them? The moral hazard created in the handling of the subprime mortgage crisis is awful. Banks learned that they should go for broke with deposits because they’ll never really end up broke as long as they have friends in Washington with access to public funds.

The system is still running amok. Last week, shareholders reaffirmed Jamie Dimon as JPMorgan’s chairman and CEO, despite a year of evidence mounting of his various wrongdoings. Nobody in the banking business is held accountable anymore. The New York Attorney General is investigating Ally Financial, Citigroup, Bank of America (BAC $13.24), and JPMorgan for violating terms of the mortgage servicing abuse settlement, and has already identified similar recurring deficiencies in other states. The case is currently in a “waiting period” until a lawsuit may be filed. It never ends.

Pulitzer Prize-winning New York Times columnist Gretchen Morgenson told Bill Moyers on Friday: “Dodd-Frank set up a system to unwind troubled institutions when they become troubled, but it requires regulators taking a really firm stand against large, politically-interconnected, and powerful companies. … I just think it’s too easy to put the taxpayer on the hook and bail these people out. So of course the response from these people is going to be, I’ll just do it bigger next time, the taxpayer will be there to bail me out, and we’ll go on our merry way.”

USA Today editorialized last week, “Perhaps the best way to view the world’s largest banks is not as companies, but as nations unto themselves. Like rogue states, they profit from their ability to wreak havoc on the world, borrowing for less because lenders know that governments wouldn’t dare let them collapse. And like opportunistic governments, they are brilliant at playing nation against nation. They fend off proposed regulations that pop up in one country by arguing that such rules need to be coordinated globally so as not to cause money to be pulled out of some nations and rushed into others.”

The paper went on to argue that moral hazard coupled with the size of at least six financial institutions — Bank of America, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs (GS $25), JPMorgan, Morgan Stanley (MS $24.35), and Wells Fargo (WFC $40.24) — leaves the too-big-to-fail problem worse than before. Together, the six control $9.4T in assets, more than twice the annual spending of the US government.

The paper supports a plan proposed by Senators David Vitter (R-LA) and Sherrod Brown (D-OH) to require banks with more than $500B in assets to meet a capital reserve requirement of 15 pct. That means 15 cents set aside for every $1 of liabilities.

The paper concluded: “The proposal would force major banks to either maintain very conservative balance sheets or break themselves into smaller banks that could fail without bringing down the economy. It would eliminate the need for more complex regulations. And it would end the subsidization of big banks, which can borrow at rock bottom rates with taxpayers serving as their uncompensated backstops. If Congress is serious about wanting to end too-big-to-fail, the 15 pct solution is the kind of bold move that would do the trick.”

Coincidentally, the odds of the 15 pct solution becoming reality are about 15 pct. The banks are already paying all the right people to prevent this from happening, filing the right papers, projecting the right publicity, and so on, to remain too big and profitable to fail. If they succeed, it’ll be worth every penny invested.

So, it’s the same mess it’s always been and probably in a countdown to the next bank-induced systemic crisis. We’ve looked at JPMorgan in the past, but never bought. All of the six majors have seen good stock performances in the recovery, but so have many other types of stocks. If forced to buy something in the financial sector now, I would tend toward diversified insurance companies like Aegon (AEG $6.42) and Berkshire Hathaway, or credit service firms like Capital One (COF $61.13) and Western Union (WU $16.45).

As you can deduce, I’m not thrilled with the sector and this article contains no recommendations. One can make just as much money in non-financial firms as financial, and it would take a very compelling valuation for me to buy into the blow-up risk that so many gimmicky money-game companies pose.

Posted in Corporate Control of Government, Discussion of the Week, US politics | Tagged | Leave a comment

The Great Reset Ahead

Discussion of the Week
The following is adapted from this year’s Note 21 of The Kelly Letter, emailed to subscribers on April 7.

Let’s recap how the United States got into the financial mess it’s in.

In the modern era of Federal Reserve bailouts that began in the dot com bust of 2000, the Fed has expanded its balance sheet to $3.2T from $500B, a sixfold increase. This may have been worth it if the economy had also grown a commensurate amount, but it has done nothing of the sort. On the contrary, output is up only 1.7 pct annually on average during this stretch, an abysmal showing not seen since Lincoln was president and the country fought for its very survival. Worse, real median family income is down 8 pct and there are 6 pct fewer full-time jobs for middle class workers. Food stamps are distributed to more than 47 million people, a mass larger than the population of Spain. One in five Americans receives food stamps and/or disability.

The Bush/Obama one-two punch has been catastrophic for most Americans, highlighting the meaninglessness of our two-party system and the focus of political bankrollers on self-interest rather than national interest. We must also not forget that the stage for the Bush/Obama tragedy was set by Clinton, whose administration repealed the banking protections of Glass-Steagall which had guarded the financial system since 1933, thereby paving the way for banks to gamble with deposits and become too big to fail. When they did fail, both Bush and Obama rescued them with taxpayer money in a way that has left them even bigger and with the same exposure to exotic financial risk that cratered them five years ago.

Concomitant with Washington’s mismanagement of America’s financial system has been its submission to the military industrial complex identified by Eisenhower in his 1961 farewell address, one of the most prescient political speeches of the past hundred years. If only we could find similar substance in modern gaseous eruptions from Washington! The pointless Iraq War begun under Bush and continued under Obama is now estimated to carry a price tag of $3T.

Ever since FDR went the fiat money route in 1933, America has veered off on a guns-plus-butter financial fantasy from which it can’t recover. The early reasons were extreme and justified. Few would argue that the Great Depression of the 1930s didn’t require FDR’s stimulus programs or that World War II was not worth fighting. The problem is that the nation never stepped back from the path of extreme policies that were supposed to have been temporary. Beware “temporary” measures in Washington. They never go away.

About the only respite from the path happened under Eisenhower, a president who came to the White House with a resume of accomplishment behind him, then shaped up America’s balance sheet and social structure. He did more for civil rights than almost any other president, for instance, desegregating the military, making Washington a model of integrated schooling in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education, and telling his first secretary of the Navy flatly, “There must be no second class citizens in this country.” This same president delivered the nation sound money management and fiscal responsibility. Those were the days.

They came to an end with his departure, which ushered in a steady deterioration of the national balance sheet and an escalation of wars for nothing at ever-increasing costs. Johnson grew the Vietnam War without reducing social spending, then Nixon performed a de facto debt default by eliminating the convertibility of the dollar into gold. That was the starting gun of modern fiscal folly. Once the spendthrifts in Washington and elsewhere in the world’s halls of power found themselves in control of money backed by nothing, they were off to the races. “All we have to do is print it?” they asked. “Woo hoo!”

The following four decades saw America’s current-account deficit accumulate to $8T. The sum of its public and private debt is currently $56T, about $30T more than it would be if the ratio of debt to economic output had stayed at its historical 1.6 instead of ballooning to 3.6. The Fed of the 1970s began an expansion of America’s money supply that has not yet ended — though it was paused under Chairman Volcker in the 1979-1987 period. The infamous Chairman Greenspan of “Greenspan put” infamy followed, setting in stone the now standard policy of using Fed resources to rescue financial markets from falling asset prices.

Price inflation would have followed the explosion of the money supply if not for the rise of globalists who saw to it that cheap labor in Asia and elsewhere flooded economies with low-priced goods. If the abundance of money didn’t go into consumer prices, where did it go? Financial assets. The S&P 500 rose 500 pct from when Greenspan arrived at the Fed to its dot com peak in 2000. Take a look at its long-term chart. It’s done nothing but seesaw in multi-year patterns from that peak zone to the 800 zone ever since. Each rise and fall has followed the script created by Greenspan. The Fed sends prices up in a bubble that bursts, then is backstopped by the Fed with measures that create another bubble. We’re near the top of one now.

With lower- and middle-class jobs gone overseas and interest rates kept artificially low so nobody wanted to keep cash in bank accounts, Americans stopped saving and started borrowing and spending. They were deluged with credit cards and financing plans for everything from cars to college to homes, and they used every one of them. The Fed, China, and Japan financed the national binge with Treasury purchases. That’s about when Bush the younger arrived, launching his two unfunded wars and expanding Medicaid in tandem with reducing revenue through tax cuts for the wealthy.

It came to a head in the subprime crisis when a population unacquainted with basic financial knowledge after a generation of easy credit and low interest rates found itself unable to pay the mortgages it signed onto. Since they’d all been securitized, the deadbeat borrowers begot insolvent banks holding the toxic assets of securitized mortgages in default. This somehow surprised the financial geniuses who devised the mortgage-backed securities on the assumption that unqualified borrowers wouldn’t default.

This brings us to the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy of 2008. Had I been president, I would have let all the banks fail and let the housing market fall into chaos for about a year, giving speeches about lessons learned the hard way and the good things that follow a thorough housecleaning. I also would have summoned Bill Clinton and his cronies to explain in a public forum why they gave into banking demands to dismantle Glass-Steagall and throw the country into crisis less than a decade later.

The only backstop I would have kept in place is the one protecting depositors, the FDIC, and I doubt even that would have needed much help. Contrary to the Wall Street press blitz saying the country would go off a cliff if the government didn’t save investment banks, Main Street was never in danger. I believed this at the time, and I still believe it. For proof that this is not something I dreamed up in retrospect, see my September 20, 2008 article Overheard At The Wall Street Bar & Grill.

But no, instead of standing strong and letting the guilty receive their just rewards while protecting the innocent, Washington kowtowed to its Wall Street overseers, first under Bush and then under Obama. It wasted $800B in fiscal stimulus, some 95 pct of which disappeared into state and local government sinkholes, and capricious tax cuts.

That was nothing compared to what the Fed rolled out. It pinned interest rates to the floor and began spewing free money to speculators so they would buy Treasuries and toxic assets. If the Fed tries reversing this policy now, it will trigger a sell-off to avoid losing the delicate profits that depend on bond prices never dropping. This is why most of the liquidity created by the Fed has once again avoided pushing up consumer prices. Instead, it went into Wall Street vaults where it’s working overtime to inflate another asset price bubble. The money has to go somewhere. If not into real goods, then into financial ones. This has been the situation for two decades.

Meanwhile, politicians are making no progress at defusing the fiscal time bomb. With more than $17T in federal debt alone, the situation is urgent yet even fiscal hawks can’t propose measures in proportion to the task at hand. They’re declared dead on arrival, so dependent has the nation become on unsustainable spending.

Private analysts now question some of the assumptions coming out of the Congressional Budget Office, which is one of the better sources available. For instance, its most recent forecast assumes more than 16 million new jobs in the coming decade despite the past decade producing less than 3 million. It further assumes a 10-year deficit of only $7T, but it’s probably at least twice that. With no change in trend — a reasonable assumption given the stasis of politics and the preponderance of lackluster leaders who craft grand speeches on trifling topics instead of plans to address these colossal challenges — we’ll see federal debt ramp from $17T and 105 pct of GDP to $30T and 150 pct of GDP in 10 years.

Even worse, this is if there’s no new crisis that requires emergency funding with money we don’t have. If there is another crisis, they’ll digitally print more or confiscate some of ours, or both.

What has gone wrong is easy to spot.

Debt is not always bad. Used wisely, it creates something worth more than the value of the principal and interest combined. This is why responsibly bought homes work well with mortgage debt. When all is said and done, a $500,000 asset that cost just $225,000 in mortgage fees is a good move on the part of a household. On the other hand, a $200 pair of designer shoes financed on a credit card at 20 pct that end up being worthless, is a bad move. The United States as a nation has gone the credit card route, not the responsible mortgage route.

Our debt could have bought better industries and better infrastructure that created higher output that could have been taxed to repay the cost of the debt. Instead it went to Wall Street gamblers, wars for nothing, corporate cronyism, and unnecessary tax cuts. At this stage of our borrowing and spending spree, the nation is worse off than it was a generation ago. Reprehensible.

Those who claim Keynesianism are bastardizing the concept. Keynes did not advise governments to spend without limit and never pay down the debt. He advised higher spending at low points in the economic cycle to spur economic activity, and then higher taxation at high points in the cycle to repay the debt accumulated in the last spending phase and stash a surplus in preparation for the next one. Somehow, the second part of Keynesianism is always left out. We have the debt spending part down pat, though.

Now, we find ourselves in a situation where the Fed buys the bulk of Treasury securities to keep the government funded and interest rates at almost zero, on its way to a $4T balance sheet by the end of this year. The Treasuries are bought with money concocted from thin air, but they pay more than $50B per year in interest from the Treasury, which the Fed then turns over to the Treasury. This is how a snake eats its tail, and how modern governments play with money to keep themselves supposedly solvent, but in a way that strains the meaning of the term.

One day, non-Fed buyers of Treasuries are going to decide that what they’re holding are shells in a game or cards in a house or, in any event, unreliable stores of value, and stop buying Treasuries at unfairly low interest rates for the risk being assumed. That would leave just the Fed buying, which would further unveil the ruse, which would lead to an auction failure, which would bankrupt the government. It’s hard to predict the bedlam that would follow, but it would probably involve plunging stock prices, soaring gold prices, and spiking interest rates on Treasuries. People who bought bond funds for safety would see a loss, go to withdraw, then find that redemptions were too widespread so access was frozen. This is how most financial panics go.

Interest on the national debt was $360B last year, and that was with interest rates at lifetime lows. Getting back to more than 5.5 pct, where rates have spent most of the past two decades, would see the debt interest fatten to $1T and consume all personal income tax revenue. Unemployment would move much higher than 10 pct to join euro zone levels, and there we’d be in a perfect environment to watch the economy collapse.

Imbalances can hang on far beyond the point of recognizing that they can’t last. In fact, mass ownership of Treasuries by the Fed has happened before, in the 1940s, the World War II decade. It owned all short-term issues and almost all long-term. Then, as now, the Fed’s involvement sent stock prices higher even as the economy suffered recession in 1945. Then, as now, the Fed’s main tactic was to peg interest rates at low levels. During the war, Congress enacted wage and price controls, too, which are credited for keeping consumer inflation low.

The first takeaway this suggests is that the Fed has long enjoyed sway over financial markets. Just as it artificially propped up stocks in the 1945 recession by compressing interest rates, so it has artificially propped up stocks after the subprime mortgage crash and ensuing recession.

The second takeaway appears when researching how the 1940s Fed unwound its bloated balance sheet. When Truman passed anti-inflation legislation in 1948, which was similar to current moves to cut spending, it sparked a new recession and a bout of deflation. That spooked investors out of stocks into bonds, which provided the Fed with the demand it needed to sell off its bond portfolio. Will it take a similar spooking of investors to generate demand for the Fed’s current portfolio of bonds?

The third takeaway is that the great secular bull market of the 1950s and 1960s was not able to take off until the Fed stopped its policy of artificially suppressing interest rates. Market historians disagree as to why this was so, but the most convincing argument I’ve seen is that investors know when something can’t last and are naturally wary of committing too much capital to a temporary impetus. That should sound familiar. The reason most investors have been underinvested in this latest bull market is that they’re aware of its artificial origins, and fear the repercussions when the temporary prop lifts.

On the second takeaway, it will be much harder for the current Fed to sell off its portfolio of toxic bonds because it’s too big and nobody wants them. It may just hold everything to maturity, and keep expanding its balance sheet by $1T per year to finance Washington, engage in currency manipulation, and so on. The value of a dollar will erode so that citizens take the hit — as is already happening — until the bloated balance sheet doesn’t appear as bloated anymore.

Unwinding the balance sheet this time around will be tricky, as there appear to be just two options. The Fed can wait for another recession and then hope to sell its portfolio into higher demand, or sell its portfolio in advance and cause the recession. Either way, recession is in the cards.

Stepping back to a bigger level, we find that the Fed has tripled the amount of money in circulation since 2008 and that the Bank of Japan just announced its plan to double its money in circulation within two years. The fiat frenzy is on. The stakes are rising. The situation is not improving.

What to do?

Accumulate real property. This is my preference for surviving the great reset. Land is better than gold because it offers utility beyond its price. Gold is only worth what you can get for it. It’s a great coincidence that now is a fine time to finance cheap property with low interest rates — one of the only good uses of debt.

Posted in Discussion of the Week, Sovereign Debt, US Economy, US politics | 2 Responses

YouTube and Business

Discussion of the Week
In this year’s Note 18 of The Kelly Letter, sent March 24, I wrote the following in the news overview:

Our former top Tier 3 holding, Google (GOOG $810) reported Thursday that its YouTube site reached one billion active monthly users, a feat accomplished just six months ago by Facebook (FB $26). The milestone took both YouTube and Facebook eight years to achieve. Twitter, by contrast, counts just 200M active monthly users after seven years of operation. YouTube crowed on its blog: “Nearly one out of every two people on the internet visits YouTube. Our monthly viewership is the equivalent of roughly ten Super Bowl audiences. If YouTube were a country, we’d be the third largest in the world after China and India.” Google bought YouTube for $1.65B in 2006 when it had an estimated 50M users.

This is impressive, but the business model may face an insurmountable challenge in that it doesn’t scale well. Bandwidth and storage requirements for hosting and streaming videos is costly, and becomes more costly with more users. Analysts estimate that YouTube generated $1.3B in video advertising last year and several hundreds of millions of dollars in other ads, but Google won’t say whether the site can yet cover its expenses. Analysts are skeptical. Brian Wieser, analyst at Pivotal Research, told the FT on Thursday: “It’s possible that the more successful YouTube is [among users], the less successful it is financially.” With only 10 pct of its videos generating revenue, YouTube’s growing pains are far from over.

An interesting question is whether the rise of smartphones and online video popularity is related to high unemployment and declining average wealth. Is it now too easy to disappear into a world of one’s own that doesn’t require meeting life’s challenges? One benefit is that digital entertainment is free or cheap, certainly cheaper than vacations or new toys. Perhaps people are less ambitious in their professional lives because it takes only a modest income to afford a screen with internet access. The YouTube story makes it hard to miss the lack of economic motivation around a leading online property. Neither the makers of the content, nor the consumers of the content, nor the providers of the content earn anything. So far, online video is a pastime.

This sparked more controversy than I expected. Victor posted on the subscriber site that there are “countless ways the content creators earn money” such as YouTube partnership networks such as Maker Studios and Vevo, and the AdSense program “which allows practically any user to earn a small buck from their video creations.” I replied:

True, there’s a small amount of ad revenue sharing possible, but it’s not as high as other revenue-sharing programs such as banners and buttons and affiliate programs. Remember, only 1 in 10 YouTube videos generates any revenue.

My guess is that the reason ads don’t work well with online video is that they’re too disruptive. A TV audience is more captive than an online audience, because there are fewer controls and distractions at the user’s fingertips, and the TV experience is more relaxing than the online experience. In general, we’re in more of a hurry when we’re online than when we’re relaxing on the couch, for example. TV ads can work if they’re entertaining, as are many Super Bowl entries. We’ll sit through 30 seconds or one minute of creativity on the TV, but not on YouTube.

Thus, I find the online video platform to be inherently ad-unfriendly. So far, this is reflected in YouTube’s poor business performance, and the meager revenue stream is further strained by the high cost of storing and streaming videos to a billion users every month.

The big tussle came from subscriber Mike’s brother, something of an online business aficionado, who took umbrage with my skepticism toward YouTube’s business effectiveness. He explained that YouTube is the second-largest search engine in the world after Google, bigger than Bing or Yahoo, then expanded:

The most popular form of digital marketing is called ‘content marketing’ which means engaging your audience with useful information rather than just promotional ads and data sheets. The most popular form of content marketing is video. YouTube isn’t the only way to deliver video content marketing but it’s arguably the best way. Ninety-nine of the top 100 global brands are on YouTube hosting over 1,200 channels with 150,000 videos to interact with customers and prospects at all stages of the customer life cycle.

Some facts:

<> Thirty-six pct of US businesses over 100 employees use YouTube for marketing, and this is expected to grow to 43 pct in 2014 (eMarketer, 8/2012)

<> Ninety-nine of the top 100 global brands are already marketing video content on YouTube and have spent an estimated $3B on video asset creation (Pixability)

<> More than half (52 pct) of senior executives say they watch work-related videos on YouTube at least weekly. (Forbes Insights 2010)

<> Four in 10 shoppers visited a store online or in-person as a direct result of watching a video online (ReelSEO, 8/2012)

<> Forty-three pct of agencies expect their luxury clients to move money away from the tube in favor of online video. (2012 Digiday/Martini Media survey)

Marketers pay for premium placement and to advertise to attract viewers on YouTube the way they do on web-based search engines like Google and Bing. Advertising on YouTube is still at an early stage —- think of it as advertising with Google search in 2002. Look at the growth of Google advertising revenue over the last 11 years. An easy approximation for that is to look at the growth of Google’s revenue, stock price, and market cap over the same period.

The popularity of online video was never in question. It was a prima facie conclusion from YouTube’s 1B users per month announcement. The problem is the lack of revenue, which is all we should measure directly. I was mostly concerned about YouTube’s own lack of revenue, but did also mention the lack of business benefit to video makers and viewers, so I’ll respond to what Mike’s brother sent.

Look carefully at some of what he provided, and you’ll see that it’s an anecdotal way to make a business case for YouTube videos. Perhaps 36 pct of businesses with more than 100 employees do use YouTube for marketing, along with dozens of other channels both online and offline. Does this mean each one works? For instance, what to make of the probability that something north of 95 pct of them use business cards for marketing? What they use for marketing does not tell us what works for marketing and, therefore, where the revenue is likely to go.

This is a general problem with web statistics. Life is moving online, so growth is going to be evident there. Thus, it’s not surprising nor especially encouraging that business executives are watching videos of interest to business executives on YouTube. Prior to YouTube, they watched them on DVD or VHS, presumably, or read such material in print. The same way podcasts are growing more rapidly than radio stations but have yet to make serious money, so YouTube is growing more rapidly than TV but has yet to make serious money.

This touches on his second bullet. It seems impressive at first glance that 99 pct of the top global brands are marketing on YouTube and have spent $3B doing so. First, look at the source. In its own words, Pixability is a firm founded to “make online video perform by getting the right video in front of the right audience to trigger the right action.” Do you suppose it’s in the firm’s interest to talk up the business benefits of online video? Of course. Putting this aside, let’s grant that firms have actually spent $3B on YouTube video marketing.

What percentage of annual TV advertising do you suppose this represents? Would 50 pct impress you? It would me. How about 25 pct? Also pretty good. However, no, it’s just 4 pct of the $74B spent on TV ads last year alone (see tvb.org). Obviously, big accounts are just dabbling on YouTube to see if it works, and have so far not gone to it in a big way. Since it’s been a going concern for eight years and has plenty of popularity stats to appeal to advertisers, this does not bode well. It’s easy to repurpose existing video content onto YouTube for testing, after all. Why not upload content to YouTube? It’s cheap and it can’t hurt.

As for whether 40 pct of YouTube video watchers went to a store as a direct result of watching a YouTube video, this is hard to measure. Given the multitude of sites plastered with banners and buttons, and other media we’re exposed to, it’s tough to say what draws people to stores. Companies themselves report the difficulty of gauging reaction metrics because they’ve noted that people are biased to recall exposure to whatever you ask them about since they’ve been exposed to the brand in all media.

For example, I’ve been exposed in the past week to a Coke radio spot, a Coke button, a Coke billboard, a Coke YouTube video (really: the one about the happy moments caught by hidden cameras), and so on. When I’m at the Coke machine putting my coins in the slot, if you ask me if I’m there because I saw a YouTube video, I might recall that hidden-camera spot and answer in the affirmative. If instead you’d asked me if I was there because I’d seen a billboard, I might recall that and also answer in the affirmative. In truth, all of it works together and it’s hard to know which single exposure took me to the machine. Even I wouldn’t really know.

Thus, we have to look at hard dollar movement to see what’s really going on. What we know is that a billion people a month go to YouTube, that it’s not profitable yet, and that major advertisers are spending only a tiny fraction of their TV marketing budget on YouTube marketing.

To a bigger point: It’s easy for people to become blinded by large internet audience numbers, but revenue determines relevance. If the audience doesn’t pay, it doesn’t matter how big it is. This is true offline, too. As I’ve typed this, tens of thousands of cars have driven by on a local freeway. The number is up dramatically in the past five hours given the progression into the work day. Any of those cars could reach my office in 15 minutes. Impressive, right? Wrong. Not a single one of them is paying me any money. Beware this type of inflation of irrelevant numbers online. Actually, it’s worse online because a big audience costs money. I didn’t have to pay anything for those freebie drive-bys, but YouTube has to pay for every visitor and video on its servers.

Finally, the runaway popularity numbers are not necessarily good for marketers, and this could be part of YouTube’s revenue challenge. It claims in its demographics report that “over 4 billion hours of video are watched each month on YouTube.” Right, so what are the odds that anybody will see a specific one? The audience is there, sure, but the audience is fragmented, distracted, tempted away by the ease of clicking related content, and — very importantly — overwhelmingly outside of target demographics. Three out of four YouTube videos is uploaded from outside the United States, for example. Any marketer uploading an English language US-focused video will notice the percentage of the one billion monthly users that care about it dwindling quickly as filtering is applied. The segment of YouTube’s vast audience that cares about a specific campaign is the only metric valued by advertisers. Judging by their minuscule allocated spending so far, it’s not impressing them.

There’s no disagreement over the popularity of online video. There’s also no disagreement about the lack of profitability in it — when one examines revenue data rather than usage data.

Do you think online video will ever match television for advertising budgeting and effectiveness? Feel free to join the discussion in the comment area below.

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Dallas Public Library Book Review

Many thanks to Teresa Bocanegra at the Dallas Public Library for her kind review of The Neatest Little Guide to Stock Market Investing: 2013 Edition. It begins:


Dallas Public Library review of The Neatest Little Guide to Stock Market Investing: 2013 Edition, by Jason Kelly

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How Citizens Can Help Survivors

On March 11, 2011, one of the largest earthquakes ever to hit Japan sent a tsunami deep into cities and towns along the coast of Tohoku, the northeastern region of Honshu, the country’s largest island. The wave killed 16,000 people and destroyed or damaged more than a million buildings.

I’m an American living an hour north of Tokyo in a city called Sano, and that quake is still in my bones. It sounded like wind approaching underground. The power went out and none of us knew until the next day the devastation that lay farther north. When we saw it on the news and recognized places we’d been, we had to help.

Helping after a natural disaster is not easy, however. Most relief organizations advise staying out of the way and just donating money. Those who’ve been in disaster zones around the world tell stories of people dumping piles of unsorted junk that nobody wants to pick through. Kindhearted supporters helping the wrong way like this make the situation worse, not better. Yet, there is a way for citizens to help directly by bringing gifts beyond the life support provided by governmental and non-governmental organizations. Small groups of volunteers can comfort survivors personally and give them hope.

Large relief operations necessarily focus on food, shelter, and medical care, and they’re good at it. In Japan, the military set up camps at breakneck speed. The Japanese Red Cross deployed thousands of doctors and nurses. Gymnasiums and other public spaces became shelters. After this phase, though, survivors ended up on mats on giant floors, surrounded by strangers, fed three times a day, checked off as having been looked after. Two days went by, then four, then a week, and still the survivors sat with only thoughts of their homes washed away, their jobs gone, their cars missing and, most of all, the people they’d never see again. Depression became the sharpest thorn in a survivor’s side.

To help, we started Socks for Japan to deliver socks with care letters from people around the world. We learned from reports of past disasters that people in shelters often request socks, and they were a perfect item for our volunteer group to manage. Socks are cheap, they don’t break or spoil, and everybody needs them. We focused on this simple care package, sorted into five categories for men, women, boys, girls, and babies. We would not create chaos by collecting many different kinds of clothing or other items. We checked with Japan’s postal service and shipping companies to be sure we wouldn’t cause trouble by receiving thousands of boxes of socks. They assured us that we would not.

We announced our project to the world, and the world stepped up. Those thousands of boxes arrived from the United States, Australia, Canada, and dozens of other nations including Malaysia, Singapore, the United Kingdom, Peru, Qatar, Croatia, French Guiana, and Finland. Some boxes burst open to reveal 50 pairs of socks with colorful notes from children. One pair arrived alone in an envelope. The letters of encouragement helped our volunteers as much as they did survivors. In a time of sadness and fear, it boosted my spirit to hold boxes from home. Return labels from churches, Brownie troops, neighborhood coffee shops, small town light and power departments, Mrs. Wilson’s fourth grade class, and other mainstays of American culture poured in. Over 70 percent of donations came from the United States. I was so proud of my country.

Forty local volunteers sorted this precious cargo each night after work and on weekends, helped by 20 volunteers from overseas. We made two trips per week 200 miles north into the heart of the disaster zone, visiting shelter after shelter to hand-deliver each package. Community leaders heard about us and requested visits to their neediest people. We became experts at packing our gifts, 100 pairs and letters per clear storage bag, and knew how many thousands we could take in our van.

The result was smooth distribution of a basic item that people needed, with a letter that brightened their day. Survivors held our hands while telling their stories. They’d cry and say how badly they needed socks. Sometimes, they’d hold up a letter proudly to announce, “This came all the way from America!” We weren’t saving lives, but we were improving them.

In 35 trips, we delivered 160,000 pairs of socks with letters. Some went to big cities like Ishinomaki, where people lined up in front of Watanoha train station by the hundreds and waited patiently to receive a gift from our van. One time there, we ran out of socks before reaching the end of the line and worried for a moment that a riot would ensue. Instead, the next person after the last person to receive socks told us, “We understand. Just please come again.” We did, on our very next trip. Other socks went to fishing villages at the ends of roads scraped through tsunami mud, where our volunteers walked to old ladies on mats who lifted their heads to see who’d come for a visit. None of us will forget the transition of their faces from expressionless resolve to delight. “For me?” they’d ask. “You brought these for me?”

Some of the survivors wrote back to their donors, and friendships formed. Charmingly rough English made the letters more touching. One read, “Received a warm socks. I get happy tears. Japan still must work hard. Going to overcome the hardships together. Thank you very much.”

Citizen volunteer groups can help survivors by delivering the care of the world directly where it’s needed most. When they focus on one needed item and bundle it with love, they reach people in ways that large organizations do not. Creating in somebody the idea that their survival was a blessing, that they will find happiness again, is important. Basic necessities keep people alive, but compassion provides the joy of being alive.

Jason Kelly is a financial writer based in Sano, Japan. Socks for Japan trip reports and photos are permanently posted at socksforjapan.com.


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